(+234)906 6787 765     |      prince@gmail.com

THE REPRESENTATIONS OF IGBO MONARCHY IN NOLLYWOOD FILMS OVER THE TWO DECADES OF 1996 TO 2015

1-5 Chapters
Library / Doctrinal
NGN 4000

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

In our consumption-oriented and mediated society, much of what comes to pass as important is based often on the stories produced and disseminated by media institutions. Much of what audiences know and care about is based on the images, symbols, and narratives in radio, television, film, music, and other media. How individuals construct their social identities, how they come to understand what it means to be male, female, black, white, royal, common –even rural or urban, is shaped by commoditised texts produced by media for audiences (Brooks & Hebert, 2006). Media, in short, are central to what ultimately come to represent our social realities. The way certain groups of people are represented in the media can have a huge social impact on audience. When media producers want the audience to assume certain things about a character, they play on existing representations of such a character. At other times, media producers can change the way certain groups are presented, and thus change the way audience see that particular group. In the present information society, the image of monarchy in the eyes of the public is partly established by the media.

The institution of monarchy is a common phenomenon with states, empires, countries and other similar entities, which makes the institution a universal concept, with a long history. In Nigeria, a traditional ruler is identified as the paramount ruler in any community. Generally, he is recognized by his subjects as the chief custodian of the people‘s culture and tradition, even though as Whiskey (2004, p. 78) observes ―they may not wield political power in Nigeria and only honour the wealthy, the strong and the great, however, so long as men worship social titles, so also will the men (the traditional rulers) who confer these social titles wax strong, be relevant and command loyalty and respect.

Perhaps, due to its resilience, the institution of monarchy is not only appealing to the wealthy that crave the social titles and privileges it confers; the artist and film maker is drawn to the institution to feed his creativity and imagination. Consequent on the foregoing, the manner in which this institution is represented in the media becomes important, being that such representation is critical to how people view and relate to this institution. In other words, representation shapes meaning (discourse) in relation to such institution and as a result, affects its place, functionality, impact and value as a component of the societal dynamics (Hall, 1997; Fairclough, 2003; McQuail, 2010).

Interestingly, monarchy has in recent times become one of the recurring themes in Nollywood productions (Uwah, 2009; Osondu, 2016). As a mode of representation, films have the capacity to make real and legitimate, certain ideas and beliefs through their portrayals, and, in so doing, structure our perception of the social world (Taylor & Willis, 2002). Amobi & Shaibu (2015) write that one unique and empowering feature of film is its ability to mirror society. They stress that, in fact, one of the reasons that the Nigerian movie industry, affectionately called Nollywood, has caught on so well on the continent and among blacks in Diaspora, is because most of the offerings of the industry, in spite of their flaws, have fairly well mirrored the challenges, hopes and aspirations of Nigerians.

The Igbo tribe is one of the three major and popular ethnic groups in Nigeria with the largest group of people living in southern Nigeria in their unique culture. The very fact that the topic of the Igbo monarchy exists so much as part of Igbo common sense makes it an important and worthy area for academic attention; for a culture's common sense represents a heterogeneous body of understandings, knowledge, values and practices into which members of that cultural community have been socialized (Malmood, 2013). When watching Nollywood movies, audience is forced to see characters of monarchy meeting civic dignitaries, performing some cultural and spiritual roles. The way royalty is constructed and portrayed in film thus matters. It is arguably compelling to empirically examine the way monarchy has been constructed in Nollywood films, the patterns, the evolution and the underlying themes.

 

1.1. Background to the Study

Like most other pre-modern human societies, the traditional societies in the territories later to be amalgamated as Nigeria were largely administered by monarchies. This is with particular reference to societies in the Northern, Western and Niger Delta parts of the country (Adebayo, 2011). The traditional societies of the West were ruled by Obas and there was the famous Oyo Empire ruled by the very powerful Alaafin (Adebayo, 2011; Durojaiye, 2013; Mua‘azu, 2015). In the Niger Delta area, there was the Oba of Benin who controlled a famous empire and the Olu of Warri (Adebayo, 2011). The Northern part of Nigeria had traditional monarchs who were eventually replaced by the Islamic Emirs following the Fulani Jihad and the conquest of these parts in the 19th century (Adebayo, 2011; Durojaiye, 2013; Mua‘azu, 2015).

For the Igbo ethnic group, however, the situation was quite different as the political administration of the communities before the coming of the Europeans was a collective responsibility of all heads of individual family units who passed on their decisions to the youths for implementation (Afigbo, 1981; Anyaele, 2011). Onwumechili (2000) equates Igbo traditional governance to the scientific culture, according to him, it recognizes no kings and chiefs with divine knowledge. In Igbo communities, as in science, he says, ―promotion is by achievement. And since everybody has the right to attend and express his views in a scientific seminar, in Igbo village assembly, everybody has the freedom to express his views, and decisions are arrived at by consensus.

However, this is not to say that kingship was totally unknown in Igbo land as there are Igbo communities known to have had monarchies before the colonial contact. Notable among these are the Obi of Onitsha and Eze Aro of Aro communities, the latter being a powerful and territorially ambitious monarch (Afigbo, 1981; Nnadozie, 2014; Okachie, 2016). But a larger proportion of Igbo communities acquired their monarchy as a result of the colonial institution of warrant chiefs; a native governance system intended to serve the administrative convenience of the imperial British power (Nnadozie, 2014).

Today, the monarchy system has come to stay in Igboland. Most, if not all Igbo communities, now have their own kings, who preside over their traditional and cultural affairs. Eke (2009, p. 14) opines that the Igbo king is the product of mere mortals, ordinary human beings. ―He was not made by the gods or by spirits, and hence, does not wield absolute powers‖. However, Eke‘s observation should also apply to other monarchies in the country today as those of them traditionally attributed with spiritual qualities and vested with absolute powers have essentially lost such status following the imposition of the western-style constitutional governance structures that started with colonialism (Afigbo, 1981; Anyaele, 2011; Nnadozie, 2014; Okachie, 2016).

This change in fortune notwithstanding, the monarchy institution in Igboland, like in other Nigerian societies, still occupies an important place as a symbol of cultural heritage and pride, a governing authority on cultural matters, an agency of political power and a driver of social development (Okachie, 2016). Hence, the monarchy institution acts as the custodian of culture when, for instance, the kings exercise their prerogative as officiating heads in the New Yam festival in Igboland. It acts as the traditional governing body when, for example, kings settle disputes, impose sanctions and regulate communal life generally. The institution of monarchy also acts as an agent of political power when, for instance, kings influence political decisions or are invited to offer advice as seen with the Advisory Committee of Chiefs and Elders in the former Eastern Region. Lastly, it can also act as an agent of social development when, for instance, kings attract government projects to their community, mobilise the people for communal work or otherwise influence developmental initiatives (Okachie, 2016).

In view of this crucial position of the monarchy system in the contemporary Igbo society, the media‘s role in representing it becomes vital knowing that media representation is a powerful element that shapes social experience (Hall, 1997; McQuail, 2010; Fairclough, 2003). Given the glamour and sensationalism that are usually associated with monarchy, it has become an attractive subject for media producers, generating its discursive dynamics (Lawrenson, 2000; Baldin, 2012). Speaking in relation to the British monarchy, Baldin (2012) opines that the relationship between the royals and the media has always been a delicate one. Ideally it is symbiotic in that the royals need the media for continued projection of their prestige, glory and power while the media, on the other hand, require the royals as an important source of sensational content that typically attracts the audience. However, when this relationship becomes parasitic, according to Baldin (2012), the royals hit out.

The above author also argues that the prestige enjoyed by the monarchy in human societies is not permanent; the allure of the institution can wane over time. In the past, the British monarchy, for instance, retained a fair degree of mystique and was held in much great reverence. The media regarded anything that was embarrassing to the British monarchy as untouchable because of their instinctive respect for rank and authority. But now the media, highly commercialized, have stopped thinking in that manner. For instance, world renowned media proprietor, Rupert Murdoch, was reported to have directed his editors at The Sun and News of the World to ―stop worshipping these people (British royals), stop treating them as gods. They are ordinary human beings and will help sell newspapers (Baldin, p.84).

Thus, while monarchy has been highly exploited to boost sales and profits as the media are preoccupied with royal gossip, the decline of royal power and public warmth towards monarchy due to democratic drives seems to have affected this culture. So the monarchy is now the one more in need of the media on whom it relies for public recognition and positive influence to consolidate its shaky position. This type of relationship between the royals and the media, as stated earlier, is symbiotic or what has otherwise been described as a co-dependent relationship, where the royals depend on the media for recognition and the media depend on news about the royals to boost sales (Lawrenson, 2000; Baldin, 2012). Thus, the dynamics of economic interest and consumption enters into the depiction of monarchy in the media; a trend since observed by the Frankfurt School scholars as a fundamental feature of popular culture (Adorno, 1999).

In today‘s Nigeria, the local film industry, the Nollywood, has emerged as an important agent of representation being that it has become a popular media channel amongst the indigenous audience (Onuzulike, 2009; Omijie, 2015; Osondu, 2016; Ozele, 2016). The emergence of the Nollywood in1992 following the release of the blockbuster, Living in Bondage, has been greeted with enthusiasm by scholars and stakeholders who see it as a monumental opportunity for Nigeria (and by extension Africa) to tell her story by herself as against the ―biased‖ representation by foreign (largely Western) media and books (Okoye, 2008; Nwosu, 2008; Agba, 2002; Nbete, Ikiroma-Owiye & Somieari 2014). In fact, representation of Africa in mass media and books has been a subject of so much contestation over the years, as African intellectuals accuse the West of capitalising on their privileged grip on modern instruments of representation (films, television, books, etc) to distort her (African) culture and history to suit their racial superiority template (Orizu, 1992; Agba, 2002; Onuzulike, 2009). Ekwenchi (2015), on the other hand, noted that Nigerian film producers have only managed to domesticate, reinforce and legitimate dominant racist images of Africa and African people circulating in western popular culture, in spite of their effort at reversing some stereotypes of the black race.

Ekwuazi (1991) writes that Nollywood is arguably Africa‘s first mass popular culture phenomenon, enjoying widespread popularity and cultural influence across the continent. Buttressing this point, Ugwushi (2015) submits that: The emergence of the Nigerian video film industry is a cultural phenomenon and Nigerian movies serve as a representation of Nigerian culture, which has revealed the uniqueness of video films as popular culture that has impacted Nigerian and other African cultures, the viewers and the continent. They can help to better understand our own lives, the lives of those around us and even how our society and culture operate. It has provided a platform for Africans to tell their own stories and it is about the best organized group that has put Nigerian culture beyond our national boundary (p. 97).

However, Nollywood has also, at times, been criticized for what has been described as its tendency to misrepresent the people they purport to tell their story (Asogwa, Onoja & Ojih, 2015; Ojukwu & Ezenandu, 2012; Opeyemi, 2008; Onuzulike, 2009). It is in this regard equally that the film industry has been accused of advertently or inadvertently becoming a source of cultural imperialism as its representations of the indigenous reality seems to at times embody western cultural bias (Omijie, 2015; Uche, 1996).

All this interest about representations in Nollywood is hinged on the fact that the industry has emerged as a dominant site for cultural production; a popular source for the construction of meaning and a powerful creator of memory. Consequently, its representation of any aspect of the people‘s experience is to be taken seriously (Omijie, 2015; Omenugha, Omenugha & Duru, 2016). Monarchy, as an aspect of the people‘s cultural experience, also comes under this consideration.

 

1.2. Statement of the Problem

One of the media‘s significant functions is the provision of cognitive knowledge through their various contents and representations. This is why scores of studies have been concerned with how the media represent a particular set of people or phenomenon. The media without doubt represent the major channel of image constructions in the mind of the audience. Thus, the images, perceptions and value judgement of the general audience concerning monarchy could, to a large extent, be influenced by the media. This study‘s focus is based on the increasing popularity and accessibility of the Nigerian movie industry globally with the proliferation of satellite cable television and its multiple channels dedicated to the Nigerian movies. This media channel (film) can be seen as representing the emergent cultural aesthetics that play vital cultural roles as producers express themselves, and their cultures by mapping out their own space of articulation based strictly on their emergent aesthetic principle.

 

Some scholars (Eze-Orji, 2015; Ndugu, 1996; Ayakoroma, 2011) have condemned and scowled at the film producers who always seem to want to fill in the gap with just anything without considering its sociological impact on the people. A study of the Nigerian home video productions should in no small way make one understand the sum total of being a Nigerian, the people and their cultures. This is why it is pertinent to find out the pattern of Nollywood films construction of the images of Igbo monarchy to her audience for two decades (1996 – 2015) by critically examining the extent to which royalty characterisations, costume, settings and themes are depicted and constructed in Nollywood productions through these two decades. In other words, what are the emerging dominant depictions of Igbo traditional royalty that the home video producers portray for their audience within the 20 years under study? Where do the Nollywood film producers derive their ideas from? There is need to understand the evolution of constructions of Igbo royalty in Nollywood films and ink wells where film makers draw such portrayals from.